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HAN
Note: IGAD
Breaking News (HAN) March 3 rd, 2007.
Somaliland
Ethiopia
Eritrea
Djibouti
Kenya
Somalia
Sudan
Uganda
HAN Editors:
The Geeska Afrika Editorial Board and HAN Regional
Reporters would like to appeal to our readers and observers to Facilitate
regional commentary amicably to act as an independent, objective and impartial body so
the remaining days can bear the long awaited fruits. This is a self syndicated column. If you wish to publish this
column in your newspaper, magazine, journal or on your websites please
ask HAN & Geeska Afrika Editor or click here: Syndicate
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Somalia: The oil rich, unstable Horn of Africa
Hargeisa
(HAN) March 3rd, 2007 - why is Somalia so important to the US?
Not only did the US support the recent military incursions into
that country, but it spent 92- million in humanitarian
assistance to it in 2006. Second opinion: The oil-rich, unstable
Horn of Africa should invite more than self-interested dabbling,
says Iqbal Jhazbhay
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by Iqbal Jhazbhay The South Africa
professor & writer said "why is Somalia so important to the US".
The Horn of African Journalist
Association (HAJA): han@geeskaafrika.com
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The South Africa professor & writer said "why is
Somalia so important to the US". US Ambassador Eric Bost,
admitted that, in helping Africa, "we are most certainly helping
ourselves". He failed, however, to elaborate about what motivates the
concerted attention to the Horn of Africa. Officially, the US has been
concerned about al-Qaeda's presence in Africa, China's developing
relations with the continent and the fact that, until recently,
Mogadishu was ruled by Islamists.
South Africa has shown caution about becoming involved in Somalia within
the context of the US war on terrorism. Its approach to "the war on
terror" emphasises dialogue and painstaking engagement, as opposed to
forceful military interventions, which can only further inflame the
region.
Against this backdrop, South African Defence Minister Mosiuoa Lekota did
not hesitate this week to say it would be better for the US not to
involve itself in Somalia. He did not consider it helpful to bring into
Somalia countries "with historical baggage" and "whose motives may be
questioned".
What Ambassador Bost fails to acknowledge is that the Union of Islamic
Courts, which ran most of southern Somalia from July to December last
year, disbanded its structures and gave way to the external armed
forces. It retreated, and is not defeated.
The US, and its allies' stress on "celebrating" the demise of genuine
and perceived adversaries is not a good political approach. Best
practices in many parts of the world, including South Africa, show that
"adversaries" are better engaged above ground. Underground, in ways
similar to Baghdad, they are a genuine threat to world security. Some
good signs have emerged: the US ambassador to Kenya has been in dialogue
with the former head of the Islamic Courts' executive council.
Unless the international community, including the US, exhibits the
political will to invest positively, via the African Union and the
United Nations, in the stabilisation of Somalia, any suggestions that
South Africa should take the lead in stabilising Somalia cannot be taken
seriously. Dabbling should not be an option, and serious efforts are
required via the UN Security Council to affirm the importance of
respecting the northern home-grown stability of Somaliland and of making
progress towards a solution of the unresolved issue of Somaliland's
international status .
While there is no doubt that the US response to Somalia fits into its
overall view of the threat of terrorism influencing so much of its
present foreign policy, this does not tell the whole story.
It is an open secret that US oil giants are sitting on concessions,
expecting to reap huge windfalls from massive resources of both oil and
gas in southern Somalia and the peaceful northern Somaliland.
Oil companies Conoco, Chevron, Amoco and Phillips have concessions in
nearly two-thirds of Somalia. These contracts were granted during the
final days of Somalia's deposed dictator, Siad Barre. The US's 1992
military engagement in Somalia was fully supported by Conoco.
South Africa is also not without its own complications. Mvelaphanda, led
by businessman Tokyo Sexwale, has also obtained an oil concession in
Somaliland.
As with Iraq in 2003, the US has cast this war as a war to curtail
terrorism, but its real goal is to obtain a direct foothold in the
region by establishing a client state there.
The Horn of Africa is newly oil-rich, and is of great interest since it
lies just kilometres from Saudi Arabia, overlooking the daily passage of
large numbers of oil tankers and warships through the Red Sea.
The US gets 10% of its oil from Africa and may need to rely on the
continent for as much as 25% by 2010.
The recent establishment of a US military command, Africom, has to be
considered against this background and should be of real concern to
Africans committed to constructing a different kind of future for our
continent. Our approach on this is both a matter of profound
self-interest and an issue about the humanity of our own outlook.
Opinion: Contributed by Iqbal Jhazbhay
HAN
Note: This writing does not necessarily reflect the views of Geeska
Afrika Magazine or HAN. The author may be contacted at:
by Iqbal Jhazbhay The South Africa professor & writer
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